Sole Author, Refereed Publications

Henderson, Victoria L. (2012) Citizenship in the Line of Fire: Protective Accompaniment, Proxy Citizenship, and Pathways for Transnational Solidarity in Guatemala. In Geographies of Peace and Conflict, ed. A. Kobayashi, pp. 152-159 (Chapter 17). New York: Routledge.

Henderson, Victoria L. (2010) Breaking the Sound Barrier: The Propertization of Spectrum Resources and Implications for Non-Profit Community Radio in Guatemala. In Property Rights and Neo-liberalism: Cultural Demands and Legal Actions, eds. W. McIntosh and L. Hatcher, pp. 97-110 (Chapter 5). Aldershot: Ashgate.

Henderson, Victoria L. (2009) Citizenship in the Line of Fire: Protective Accompaniment, Proxy Citizenship, and Pathways for Transnational Solidarity in Guatemala. Annals of the Association of American Geographers. Special Issue on Geographies of Peace and Conflict. 99(5): 969-976. Download

Henderson, Victoria L. (2008) Is There Hope for Anger? The Politics of Spatializing and (Re)Producing an Emotion. Emotion, Space and Society 1(1): 28-37. Download

Sole Author, Non-Refereed Publications

Henderson, Victoria L. (2015) Si el norte fuera el sur: Canadá y el Socialismo del siglo XXI. In Análisis de las repercusiones del socialismo del siglo XXI en la región, eds, Luis Herrería, Mario R. Pazmiño Silva, Douglas Farah, pp. 85-92 (Chapter 10). Quito: Centro de Análisis e Investigación Internacional.

Policy Papers

Henderson, Victoria L., Humire, Joseph M., and Menéndez, Fernando D. (2014) Canada On Guard: Assessing the Immigration Security Threat of Iran, Venezuela, and Cuba. The Future of North America, Policy Report. Center for A Secure Free Society. Washington, D.C. 19 pp.

Co-Author, Refereed Publications

Davidson, Joyce, and Henderson, Victoria L. (2016, in press) Sensing Cities. In Encyclopedia of Urban and Regional Studies, PM, Meredith Pate, pp. TBD. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

Davidson, Joyce, and Henderson, Victoria L. (2016, in press) The Sensory City: Autism, Care, and Design. In Care and Design: Bodies, Buildings, Cities, eds. Rob Imrie and Charlotte Bates, pp. TBD (Chapter TBD). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

Henderson, Victoria L., Davidson, Joyce, Hemsworth, Katie, and Edwards, Sophie (2014) Hacking the Master Code: Cyborg Stories and the Boundaries of Autism. Social and Cultural Geography 15(5): 504-524. Download

Smith, M., Davidson, J. and Henderson, Victoria L. (2012) Spiders, Sartre and ‘Magical Geographies’: The Emotional Transformation of Space.Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 37(1): 60-74. Download

Davidson, Joyce, and Henderson, Victoria L. (2010) ‘Coming out’ on the Spectrum: Autism, Identity and Disclosure.Social and Cultural Geography 11(2): 155-170. Download

Davidson, Joyce, and Henderson, Victoria L. (2010) ‘Travel in Parallel with Us for a While’: Sensory Geographies of Autism. The Canadian Geographer 54(4): 462-475. Download

No soap, just opera


2014 January 24
Re: Soap Operas Inspire Crime, Venezuelan President Says
Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro says that television soap operas are to blame for his country’s soaring homicide rate. If that sounds familiar, it’s because Hollywood director Oliver Stone recently said the same thing, claiming “fantasy violence” is “infecting the American culture.” Mr. Stone has played a key role in polishing the image of Latin American despots whose special brand of social engineering is amenable to the highbrow set, since it shifts the blame from Venezuela’s socialist economy as the cause of the violence. The moral of the story? When you have no soap, you are left with the opera.

Victoria L. Henderson
PhD Candidate and IHS H.B. Earhart Fellow
(Link to the article that prompted this letter)


Publication Information:
Henderson, Victoria L. (2014) ‘When you have no soap …’ National Post. 24 January, A11.

The Future of North America

On 21 November 2013, I participated in the “Future of North America” roundtable. This event was organized by the Center for a Secure Free Society (SFS) and held at the Albany Club in Toronto. The roundtable focused on immigration and security threats to Canada as a result of greater integration between Iran and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA), Latin America’s socialist bloc.


Co-participants at the event included: Roger Pardo Maurer, former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Western Hemisphere (2001-2006); J.D. Gordon, retired Navy Commander and former Pentagon Spokesman who served in the Office of the Secretary of Defense (2005-2009); Joseph M. Humire, SFS Executive Director and advisor to various U.S. government agencies on asymmetric threats in the Western Hemisphere; Candice Malcolm, Ontario Director at the Canadian Taxpayers Federation and former press secretary to the federal immigration minister in Ottawa; and Fernando D. Menéndez, co-founder of the Cordoba Group International and principal economist and commentator for Trending Central.


With Fernando D. Menéndez, I co-authored a paper based on the roundtable, which will be published in 2014 by SFS.


Privatizing Pemex


2013 August 16
Re: Pemex Plan Spreads An Oily Sheen Over Mexico’s History
Amelia Kiddle rejects the idea of privatizing Mexico’s national oil company, Pemex, arguing that social programs are dependent on Pemex revenue. Ms. Kiddle acknowledges that Pemex is grossly inefficient, but doesn’t explain why.
The distribution of political favours at state-owned enterprises drives them toward overemployment, while excessive revenue diversion to support government pork-barrelling depresses the company’s incentive to invest, reducing future returns. This is a losing proposition for social welfare.
Ms. Kiddle makes the observation that Mexico’s economy, like Canada’s, is inextricably linked to the energy sector. Yes, and we privatized Petro Canada – for the reasons above.

Victoria L. Henderson
PhD Candidate and IHS Bernard Marcus Fellow
(Link to the article that prompted this letter)


Publication Information:
Henderson, Victoria L. (2013) Privatizing Pemex. Globe and Mail. 16 August, A10.

The Remnant: “Neoliberalism” Before Its Time in Latin America


My current research examines the history and development of the Austrian School of economics in Latin America as read against the backdrop of anti-neoliberal scholarship. It is an inquiry into the mobility and sedimentation of knowledge and an exploration into how distinct epistemic landscapes may emerge from the political, sociocultural, economic, and legal filters that mediate the ongoing interplay of people, objects, texts, and ideas. The research responds to recent calls for geographers to pay greater attention to elite social actors in Latin America and, in so doing, reveals new regional nodes in the transatlantic network responsible for disseminating the ideas of classical liberalism. At the same time, the research challenges the ways in which the Austrian School has been inscribed in anti-neoliberal scholarship and urges reflection on the potential for epistemological dissonance – broadly conceived as the friction resulting from an encounter with a competitive or discordant worldview – to skew not only our understanding of the world, but also the ways in which knowledge is collected, translated, packaged, disseminated, and reproduced by the academy.


I consider myself a liberal and I know many others who are – and many, many others who are not. But in all of my years, which are now many, I have still yet to meet even one neo-liberal. Who and what is a neoliberal, and what does a neo-liberal defend and oppose?
Mario Vargas Llosa, El liberalismo entre dos milenios

If scholars were to mount a response to Mario Vargas Llosa’s question based on the expanse of existing literature, it would – at best – seem confused. What is neoliberalism? The authors of two of the most theoretically robust and empirically rich investigations of the development of neoliberalism are at odds over its epistemological foundations: For Timothy Mitchell (1999, npn; see also Harvey 2005), author of the widely cited “The Work of Economics: How A Discipline Makes Its World” (2005), neoliberalism is “a triumph of the political imagination,” which “frames public discussion in the elliptic language of neoclassical economics.” By contrast, in his recently published historiography of neoliberalism, Daniel Stedman Jones (2012, 17) argues “it is a mistake to reduce neoliberal ideas to neoclassical economics,” therein reinforcing the position of Philip Mirowski (2009), whose work on the contemporary history of political economic thought has become central to scholars interested in the intellectual genealogy of neoliberalism.

In geography, there seems to be an epistemological rupture between Marxist interpretations holding neoliberalism to be “a coherent, purposive programme of socioeconomic and political transformation” and feminist and other post-structural approaches that struggle to explain how neoliberal subjects are “hailed, more or less successfully, to order” (Barnett et al. 2008, 3; see also, Larner 2003; England and Ward 2007). We appear to know very little, then, about what a neoliberal might defend or oppose. But two things seem clear: first, whether it zigged and zagged or took a straight line, neoliberalism traces its intellectual roots to the Austrian School of economics (Barnett 2010; Harvey 2005; Haselip 2010; Peet 2003; Peet 2007; Peck 2008; Peck 2010; Stedman Jones 2012); and second, the “first experiment in neoliberal state formation” was conceived in the United States and rolled out in Chile in the latter part of the twentieth century, during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (Harvey 2005; Klein 2007).

In the years since Juan Gabriel Valdés (1995, 6) first proposed that neoliberalism introduced into Chilean society “ideas that were completely new, concepts entirely absent from the ‘ideas market,’” the question of how ideas travel (e.g., Shapin 1998) – and, more specifically, how (neo)liberal ideas travel (e.g., Sheppard 2005) – has been of growing concern to geographers and other scholars. Recent attempts to build a “spatialized genealogy” (Peck 2008, 3) of neoliberalism have implied a shift from the “ideological heartlands” (Larner 2003) of the United States and the United Kingdom to neoliberalism’s “polycentric” origins (Peck 2008). And yet, for all of the lip service paid to polycentricity, scholarship remains largely focused on the power geometries of what is billed as a “transatlantic” (read: northern transatlantic) neoliberal network (Mirowski and Plehwe 2009; Peck 2010; Stedman Jones 2012).

The proposed research is motivated by a nagging doubt: If, as has been argued (Barnett 2010; Harvey 2005; Haselip 2010; Peet 2003; Peet 2007; Peck 2008; Peck 2010; Stedman Jones 2012), the Austrian School gave birth to the neoliberal agenda, which was formalized as state practice for the first time in Chile (Harvey 2005; Klein 2007), why has so little work been done to place the school, conceptually and historically, in Latin America? Moreover, if we accept that what manifested in Chile marked the outcome of the long march of Austrian ideas, how do we explain that the Chilean experiment was spearheaded by a group of neoclassical economists from the University of Chicago who were openly dismissive of the Austrian tradition (Harberger 2000)? In thinking through these questions, the proposed research seeks to provide a more theoretically rigorous, historically accurate, and spatially expansive engagement with the Austrian School than is currently available in geography and cognate disciplines.